September 20, 1951 — Ludwell Denny
Arash Norouzi The Mossadegh Project | May 17, 2024 |
The entire premise of this column is based upon a false narrative. Iran did not pursue any oil deal with the USSR.
Indiana born journalist, author and former Unitarian minister Ludwell Howard Denny (1894-1970) was a foreign editor for Scripps-Howard news service, which distributed his column. One of his books was We Fight For Oil
(1928), much of which covered the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (then AIOC).
In his November 20th column, Denny wrote about “points of friction” threatening allied unity, one of which was Iran:
“The British object to our attempted “honest broker” position, and think we should be supporting them wholeheartedly — in our interests as well as theirs. They say the net effect of our well-meaning efforts has been to perpetuate the fanatical rule of Mossadegh, who otherwise would have been followed by a more reasonable government. They fear we are going to subsidize him with loans and grants rather than let him fall from his own folly of drying up oil revenues through nationalization. Our people feel his fall would lead to a Communist regime.”
OIL DISPUTE . . . By Ludwell Denny
Iran Threat to Deal With Reds Not Weakening U.S. Position
WASHINGTON, Sept. 20—Iran’s threat to make an oil deal with Stalin will not change the British and American attitude. [There was never any deal, or threat to make a deal, with the Soviet Union or Premier
Joseph Stalin] Washington agrees with London that there should be a negotiated settlement of the dispute over the
nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian oil
interests, and will continue to press for a peaceful compromise.
The Teheran government’s announcement that it is ready to sign a barter pact with Russia for disposal of oil to Stalin and his satellites tends to stiffen British and American policies, rather than to weaken them as desired by Iranian
Premier Mohammed Mossadegh.
Although British and American policies are similar in opposing one-way action by Iran and any Soviet intervention, reports that Washington is giving London blank-check support are inaccurate. There are significant differences between
the two.
Political Analysis
ONE difference is over political analysis. The British have thought all along that the Mossadegh extreme nationalist regime would fall without support of oil revenues and British trade preferences, and would be followed by a more
conservative government.
Washington fears that the present Teheran cabinet, if forced out, might be succeeded by chaos or communism or both. Hence, the hope here that Premier Mossadegh will cease flirting with Stalin and issuing ultimata to London, and resume
constructive negotiations with the British. Another difference is over method. [Mossadegh was “flirting” with America, not Russia]
The British Labor government, under pressure of the Tory Party in Parliament, has indicated it will use force to protect 350 British technicians left at the Abadan refinery for standby purposes. Washington opposes use of British
force except under extreme provocation, on the ground this would play into the hands of Iranian fanatics and invite Soviet intervention.
So far London has gone along with Washington’s judgment, both in offering a favorable compromise in the recent Mossadegh negotiations and in refraining from the use of force. But if Mossadegh tries to expell
[sic] the Abadan technicians in 15 days, as threatened, London may get tough.
Not Taken Seriously
APART from the danger of Russian military intervention in case of violence at Abadan, a Teheran-Moscow trade pact to solve the Iranian oil problem is not taken too seriously here or in London. Even if Iranian-Russian technicians
could run the oil fields, it is doubted that they could operate Abadan refinery or transport much of the product abroad.
The State Department made
public today the recent exchange between Premier Mossadegh and Presidential Assistant W. Averell Harriman, in which the latter refused to transmit to Britain the 15-day Iranian ultimatum.
Position Reaffirmed
MR. HARRIMAN said the new Mossadegh offer was less
than the earlier one which was unacceptable. While renewing his proposal to mediate on any practical basis, and stating that a just compromise is possible, Mr. Harriman reaffirmed the American position as follows:
“The seizure by any government of foreign owned assets without either prompt, adequate and effective compensation or alternative arrangements satisfactory to the former owners is, regardless of the intent, confiscation rather than
nationalization.”
Related links:
Is There a Chance Iran May Be Planning a Real Bargain? | Ludwell Denny, Nov. 1, 1951
It’s Much More Than Just Oil To the Persians | Flora Lewis (Sept. 18, 1951)
Onder de loupe: Op scherp | Utrechtsch Nieuwsblad, Sept. 26, 1951
MOSSADEGH t-shirts — “If I sit silently, I have sinned”
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